{"id":7216,"date":"2017-01-16T12:43:24","date_gmt":"2017-01-16T07:43:24","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/jworldtimes.com\/old-site\/jwt2015\/?p=7216"},"modified":"2017-01-16T12:43:24","modified_gmt":"2017-01-16T07:43:24","slug":"obama-hoped-to-transform-the-world-it-transformed-him","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.jworldtimes.com\/old-site\/studykit\/currentaffairs\/daily-articles\/obama-hoped-to-transform-the-world-it-transformed-him\/","title":{"rendered":"Obama Hoped to Transform the World. It Transformed Him."},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span class=\"byline\">By <span class=\"byline-author\" data-byline-name=\"ADAM SHATZ\">ADAM SHATZ<\/span><\/span><time class=\"dateline\" datetime=\"2017-01-14T14:54:53-05:00\">JAN<\/time><\/p>\n<div class=\"story-body-supplemental\" style=\"text-align: justify;\">\n<div class=\"story-body story-body-1\">\n<p class=\"story-body-text story-content\" data-para-count=\"496\" data-total-count=\"496\">When Barack Obama entered office, the hopes that he raised in his own country were exceeded only by the hopes he raised abroad. Mr. Obama tapped into those hopes with his inspirational rhetoric about a \u201ctransformational\u201d presidency, and his promises were scarcely less dramatic. America would be steered back on track, working with other countries to meet the challenges of what he often called an \u201cinterdependent\u201d world, from terrorism and poverty to financial crisis and global warming.<\/p>\n<p class=\"story-body-text story-content\" data-para-count=\"680\" data-total-count=\"1176\">Rapturous crowds thrilled to his speech in Berlin in 2008, a few months before he was elected; less than a year into his presidency, the jury in Oslo awarded him a Nobel Peace Prize for his \u201cvision\u201d of a world without nuclear weapons, as if he were a poet rather than a head of state. Expectations ran so high that few spotted the contradictions in Mr. Obama\u2019s project, which sought to usher America into an era of relative decline and yet still somehow achieve transformative results. Being commander in chief prevented Mr. Obama from speaking frankly about the growing constraints on American power. But no one would experience them more sharply \u2014 or more frustratingly.<\/p>\n<p class=\"story-body-text story-content\" data-para-count=\"842\" data-total-count=\"2018\">This was, in part, the legacy handed down to him by George W. Bush\u2019s truly transformational presidency, which envisioned a post-Cold War order of limitless American power. Mr. Bush created a new reality in the Middle East and trapped Mr. Obama in a war he had opposed in Iraq, and one that couldn\u2019t be won in Afghanistan. Though he sought to reduce America\u2019s footprint, Mr. Obama would distinguish himself as an even more zealous hunter of terrorists than Mr. Bush, presenting the assassination of Osama bin Laden as a centerpiece of his re-election campaign, even as he made no secret of seeing terrorism as an exaggerated threat. Extraordinary measures were required to begin undoing the extraordinarily destructive Bush legacy, but Mr. Obama proved mostly incapable of them. He did not transform the world; the world transformed him.<\/p>\n<p class=\"story-body-text story-content\" data-para-count=\"556\" data-total-count=\"2574\">Eight years ago, Mr. Obama suggested a messenger from a dreamy, multicultural future: the son of a Kenyan father and a white American mother; a well-traveled cosmopolitan who had spent much of his childhood in Indonesia, seemingly at home wherever he planted his feet. His vision of international diplomacy stressed the virtues of candid dialogue, mutual respect and bridge building. His famous address to the Islamic world, given at Cairo University in 2009, was a judicious balance sheet of past wrongs and an eloquent plea to turn a new page in history.<\/p>\n<p>Continue reading the main story<\/p><\/div>\n<div id=\"supplemental-1\" class=\"supplemental first\" data-between-flex-ads=\"true\" data-pre-height=\"1108\" data-max-items=\"1\" data-remaining=\"163\" data-minimum=\"400\" data-last-item-height=\"945\" data-flex-ad-adjacency=\"true\" data-post-height=\"1108\">\n<div class=\"supplemental-items\" data-supplemental-order=\"0\" data-no-med-rec=\"true\" data-no-ads=\"true\">\n<aside class=\"marginalia comments-marginalia  selected-comment-marginalia\" data-marginalia-type=\"sprinkled\" data-skip-to-para-id=\"\">\n<header>\n<h2 class=\"module-heading\"><i class=\"icon\"><\/i>Recent Comments<\/h2>\n<\/header>\n<div class=\"comments-view\">\n<article class=\"comment\" data-permid=\"21108426\">\n<header>\n<h2 class=\"commenter\">sdavidc9<\/h2>\n<p><time class=\"comment-time\" datetime=\"\">23 hours ago<\/time><\/header>\n<p class=\"comment-text\">Interfering in Syria may well have gotten us into worse situations. The surrounding countries would be only too happy if we were trying to&#8230;<\/p>\n<\/article>\n<article class=\"comment\" data-permid=\"21102060\">\n<header>\n<h2 class=\"commenter\">Steve<\/h2>\n<p><time class=\"comment-time\" datetime=\"\">1 day ago<\/time><\/header>\n<p class=\"comment-text\">Barack Obama knew the history of the Presidency and what to expect in its effects on him long before he became President. Of course it&#8230;<\/p>\n<\/article>\n<article class=\"comment\" data-permid=\"21099815\">\n<header>\n<h2 class=\"commenter\">Binoy Shanker Prasad<\/h2>\n<p><time class=\"comment-time\" datetime=\"\">1 day ago<\/time><\/header>\n<p class=\"comment-text\">In 2008, when Colin Powell, George W&#8217;s Secretary of State, announced his vote for Obama, he had asserted the Democratic candidate would be&#8230;<\/p>\n<\/article>\n<\/div>\n<footer>\n<ul class=\"comment-actions\">\n<li class=\"comment-count\">See All Comments<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/footer>\n<\/aside>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p><!--more--><\/p>\n<div id=\"story-continues-1\" class=\"story-interrupter\" style=\"text-align: justify;\"><\/div>\n<div class=\"story-body-supplemental\">\n<div class=\"story-body story-body-2\">\n<p id=\"story-continues-2\" class=\"story-body-text story-content\" style=\"text-align: justify;\" data-para-count=\"346\" data-total-count=\"2920\">\u201cReal power,\u201d the president told Jeffrey Goldberg of The Atlantic last year, \u201cmeans you can get what you want without having to exert violence.\u201d Exhibit A, in the Obama years, was the Iran deal, which not only peacefully prevented Tehran from developing a nuclear weapon, but also brought about a thaw in Iran\u2019s relations with the West.<\/p>\n<p id=\"story-continues-3\" class=\"story-body-text story-content\" style=\"text-align: justify;\" data-para-count=\"624\" data-total-count=\"3544\">But that deal, along with a climate change agreement and a rapprochement with Cuba, was a rare success. The arc of recent history has not bent toward Mr. Obama\u2019s cosmopolitan vision of an interdependent world. On the contrary, the world \u2014 and America itself \u2014 is increasingly bedeviled by the tribalism that horrified him on a visit to his relatives in Kenya. In \u201cDreams From My Father,\u201d he writes of arriving with \u201csimple formulas for Third World solidarity,\u201d only to discover that most Kenyans \u201cworked with older maps of identity, more ancient loyalties,\u201d and that his liberal humanism fell on deaf ears.<\/p>\n<p class=\"story-body-text story-content\" style=\"text-align: justify;\" data-para-count=\"493\" data-total-count=\"4037\">Nowhere was such tribalism more incendiary than in the Middle East, thanks in large part to Mr. Obama\u2019s predecessor. Before the invasion of Iraq, Sunni and Shiite Muslims lived side by side, and often intermarried, under authoritarian states and a regional balance of power that provided stability, if not democracy. Mr. Bush put an end to that fragile balance. Iraq was liberated from Saddam Hussein, but the result was sectarian warfare, fueled by a struggle between Iran and Saudi Arabia.<\/p>\n<p class=\"story-body-text story-content\" style=\"text-align: justify;\" data-para-count=\"648\" data-total-count=\"4685\">The Arab Spring stirred hopes of reversing this bleak trend, and Mr. Obama initially gambled on its success, defying old allies like Saudi Arabia and Israel and expressing support for pro-democracy movements in Egypt and Tunisia. In these revolts, he saw an opportunity not only to improve America\u2019s image in the Middle East but also to end the Muslim world\u2019s isolation. From the ruins of the Arab revolts a new age would emerge, but its key players would be tribally minded strongmen and armed militants. And for aid and inspiration they would look not to the West but to the Persian Gulf states, Iran, Turkey and other regional power brokers.<\/p>\n<p class=\"story-body-text story-content\" style=\"text-align: justify;\" data-para-count=\"369\" data-total-count=\"5054\">Mr. Obama not only adapted to the shape of Middle Eastern power politics, but he also largely overlooked human rights abuses by Saudi Arabia, Israel, Egypt and other allies. The Bush administration\u2019s patronizing rhetoric of democracy promotion was shelved, but this came at the cost of reducing American concerns in the Middle East to terrorism and national security.<\/p>\n<p class=\"story-body-text story-content\" style=\"text-align: justify;\" data-para-count=\"904\" data-total-count=\"5958\">In a speech to the Turkish Parliament in 2009, Mr. Obama promised that \u201cAmerica\u2019s relationship with the Muslim community, the Muslim world cannot, and will not, just be based on opposition to terrorism.\u201d Yet that is precisely what happened, even if the \u201cwar on terror\u201d was decorously renamed the \u201cfight to counter violent extremism.\u201d The war was based on Special Operations and drone strikes rather than torture and ground invasions, but it, too, was subject to few restraints, and eventually it came to cover a much greater land mass. Styling himself as an anti-terrorist commander, Mr. Obama buried the legalistic multilateralism that he had taught at Harvard. While the drone program began under Mr. Bush, Mr. Obama substantially expanded it. Armed with a \u201ckill list\u201d and the Predator joystick, he could eliminate America\u2019s enemies, while avoiding land wars \u2014 or public scrutiny.<\/p>\n<p class=\"story-body-text story-content\" style=\"text-align: justify;\" data-para-count=\"507\" data-total-count=\"6465\">Mr. Bush\u2019s occupations provoked liberal outrage; Mr. Obama\u2019s drone war emitted a kind of white noise that most Americans ignored. But the killing of people by drones or Special Operations was not unnoticed in Yemen, Somalia and Pakistan or other countries, and did little to win local hearts and minds. In fact, his determination to avoid American casualties, even as he expanded the battlefield, reinforced the impression that for all his talk of cooperation and partnership, he was a pitiless realist.<\/p>\n<p class=\"story-body-text story-content\" style=\"text-align: justify;\" data-para-count=\"689\" data-total-count=\"7154\">That realism was at its most glacial in the case of Syria\u2019s civil war. Chastened by the results of NATO\u2019s intervention in Libya, where a dictator was replaced by militia rule and jihadist violence, and always a reluctant humanitarian, Mr. Obama understood that the Syrian war was as much a sequel to the bloody sectarian struggle inside Iraq as it was the latest installment of the Arab Spring. He drew a cold but defensible conclusion: The growth of the Islamic State was a direct threat to American interests that merited a military response, but President Bashar al-Assad was not. Intervention against Mr. Assad would lead to clashes with Russia, for whom Syria was a core interest.<\/p>\n<p class=\"story-body-text story-content\" style=\"text-align: justify;\" data-para-count=\"760\" data-total-count=\"7914\">At first glance, the twists and turns of Mr. Obama\u2019s Syria policy made the president seem indecisive, if not incoherent: calling for Mr. Assad to step down without taking direct action against him, even after the regime\u2019s use of chemical weapons in defiance of Mr. Obama\u2019s \u201cred line\u201d; attacking the jihadists of the Islamic State while allies like Turkey and Qatar supported other extremist groups; opposing Russian designs and then coordinating airstrikes with Moscow. But the aim of keeping American troops out of Syria was consistent. At his final news conference as president, Mr. Obama expressed anguish over the fall of Aleppo, but insisted that his Syria policy had been guided by his sense of \u201cwhat\u2019s the right thing to do for America.\u201d<\/p>\n<p id=\"story-continues-4\" class=\"story-body-text story-content\" style=\"text-align: justify;\" data-para-count=\"744\" data-total-count=\"8658\">It may well have been; American lives were spared. But noninterference created a vacuum that autocrats like President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey were happy to fill. What\u2019s more, Mr. Obama\u2019s understanding of American interests in Syria was more restrictively drawn than one might have expected from a man so worldly, someone who had always stressed the interdependence of the global community and the moral burdens of \u201cwhat it means to share this world in the 21st century.\u201d Who governs Syria may not be a core American interest, but the country\u2019s apocalyptic splintering is another matter. The effect of Mr. Obama\u2019s caution, as much as Moscow\u2019s belligerent resolve, was to help prolong the war.<\/p>\n<p class=\"story-body-text story-content\" style=\"text-align: justify;\" data-para-count=\"720\" data-total-count=\"9378\">The consequences of Syria\u2019s disintegration have spread far beyond its borders. Not only has the crisis placed dangerous strains on neighboring states, but it has emboldened the far right in Europe, which has played on fears about Islam and terrorism in its campaign against immigration and the European Union. Nor has the United States been unscathed by what Mr. Obama recently called the \u201ctug of tribalism\u201d: Donald J. Trump owes his election to it. Mr. Trump is an open admirer of tribal politicians like Mr. Putin, Mr. Erdogan and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, not least because they remind him of himself with their love of the mob, contempt for liberal elites and penchant for conspiracy theory.<\/p>\n<p class=\"story-body-text story-content\" style=\"text-align: justify;\" data-para-count=\"573\" data-total-count=\"9951\" data-node-uid=\"1\">In his 2009 speech in Cairo, Mr. Obama imagined Muslim and Western democrats working together in partnership, overcoming borders imposed by war, prejudice and mistrust for the sake of a common future. Instead, the very prospect of a common future, of global interdependence, has been jeopardized by the emergence of an illiberal world of tribes without flags. Despite the best of intentions, and for all his fine words, Mr. Obama became one of the midwives of this dangerous and angry new world, where his enlightened cosmopolitanism increasingly looks like an anachronism.<\/p>\n<footer class=\"story-footer story-content\">\n<div class=\"story-meta\">\n<div class=\"story-notes\">\n<p style=\"text-align: justify;\">Adam Shatz is a contributing editor at The London Review of Books and a fellow in residence at the New York Institute for the Humanities.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/footer>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>By ADAM SHATZJAN When Barack Obama entered office, the hopes that he raised in his own country were exceeded only by the hopes he raised abroad. Mr. Obama tapped into those hopes with his inspirational rhetoric about a \u201ctransformational\u201d presidency, and his promises were scarcely less dramatic. America would be steered back on track, working &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":149,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[5285],"tags":[6668],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.jworldtimes.com\/old-site\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7216"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.jworldtimes.com\/old-site\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.jworldtimes.com\/old-site\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.jworldtimes.com\/old-site\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/149"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.jworldtimes.com\/old-site\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=7216"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.jworldtimes.com\/old-site\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/7216\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.jworldtimes.com\/old-site\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=7216"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.jworldtimes.com\/old-site\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=7216"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.jworldtimes.com\/old-site\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=7216"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}